Grumet begins with Jack Abramoff as the emblem of modern Washington corruption. Abramoff’s crimes, including fraud, tax evasion, bribery conspiracy, and schemes involving Native American tribes, deepened public suspicion of Congress. Grumet argues that the reforms adopted after such scandals were understandable but often counterproductive: rules meant to control rare criminals instead burdened the many officials already trying to follow the law.

Grumet then turns to campaign finance. He argues that McCain-Feingold tried to curb soft money by restricting the national parties, but later Supreme Court rulings, especially Citizens United and McCutcheon, made the old framework obsolete. Because money kept flowing, it moved away from accountable parties and into 527 groups, Super PACs, and dark-money organizations that are harder to track and more likely to sponsor negative attacks. Grumet concludes that reformers should stop trying to eliminate political money and instead channel it toward transparent, responsible institutions, especially political parties, while requiring real-time disclosure.

The chapter next traces congressional ethics reform from early postwar codes through Watergate-era rules, 1980s scandals, and the Abramoff backlash. Grumet distinguishes useful limits on bribery, honoraria, and large gifts from later rules that became absurdly overbroad. He uses examples such as the prohibited coffee mug, expensive ethics review of a Treasury official’s mug, members afraid to eat at policy dinners, and the toothpick rule to argue that these restrictions waste time, discourage normal interaction, and deepen distrust without deterring actual criminals.

Grumet then describes the decline of congressional travel after the Abramoff scandal and the stigma attached to trips such as Tom DeLay’s golf outing at St. Andrews. He argues that travel, whether publicly or responsibly privately funded, can build knowledge, collegiality, and bipartisan trust. Stories involving Lindsey Graham and Joe Biden, Bill Clinton and Pete Domenici, and Bob Dole and George McGovern illustrate how time away from Washington can change relationships and policy views. Grumet proposes that congressional leaders treat substantive travel as a duty rather than a perk.

Finally, Grumet defends earmarks as another damaged tool of democratic compromise. He acknowledges abuses such as Duke Cunningham’s corruption and the growth of hidden earmarks, but says transparency reforms were enough and the near-ban went too far. Because earmarks do not increase total agency spending, they can let legislators balance local needs with national obligations and give leaders carrots for difficult votes. Examples from Medicare Part D and the Civil Rights Act show how local projects have helped pass major legislation. Grumet ends by warning against immaculate dysfunction: ethics rules should punish abuse while preserving the relationships, bargaining, and creativity that make representative democracy possible.